M. Ferrera, Il Mulino, 3 December 2018. ABSTRACT During the twentieth century, the Liberal nation-state turned into the mass democratic Welfare state, which then became a Member state of the emerging European Union. To what extent is Weber’s state theory – which has been so influential within political studies – still pertinent for analyzing these two momentous transformations? This article proposes a neo-Weberian reinterpretation of the democratic welfare state as a novel form of political domination, characterized by a distinctive political logic and legitimation dynamics. It then analyzes the impact of EU membership on such characteristics, highlighting the supremacy of of the market logic and discussing the obstacles for the emergence of a specifically political EU «reason».
 Pansardi P.&  Battegazzorre F. (2018)The discursive legitimation strategies of the president of the commission: a qualitative content analysis of the State of the Union Addresses (SOTEU),Journal of European Integration,40:7,853-871,DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2018.1482286 ABSTRACT In this work, we investigate the way in which the two latest Presidents of the Commission have tackled the question of the legitimacy of the EU in the delivery of the State of the Union Addresses (SOTEU). Our analysis, based on a qualitative content analysis of the SOTEU speeches, identifies a marked difference in the discursive legitimation strategies employed by the two Presidents and in the conception of the legitimacy of the EU that they promote. In Barroso’s speeches, the legitimazing principle recalls the classical functionalist interpretation of the ‘rationality’ of the EU decisions mainly in terms of economic outputs, whilst the underlying conception of legitimacy that shapes Juncker’s speeches recalls an input-based understanding of legitimacy as democracy and popular sovereignty. By way of conclusion, we argue that the introduction of the Spitzencandidaten  system has been instrumental in providing the two Presidents with a different discursive opportunity structure. This article is available to read at the following link: 07036337.2018.1482286
M. Ferrera in Journal of European Social Policy,vol. 29, no.1, 2018, pp. 3-12 ABSTRACT In the mid-1970s, the great Norwegian scholar Stein Rokkan argued that the consolidation of the national welfare state was going to set definite limits to European integration. While the impetuous strengthening of the latter – from Maastricht to Lisbon – has largely disproved Rokkan’s factual expectations, developments during the last decade seem to have vindicated the theoretical insights which underpinned his original argument. If appropriately re-elaborated, such insights can help us to identify the conditions under which the economic and social dimension of the European Union might be reconciled in the future.  This article is available here
M. Ferrera, in European Journal of Social Theory, Articlet published online on July 3, 2018. This article is availble at
M. Ferrera, A. Pellegata, in Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 25, no. 10, 2018, pp. 1461-1480. Also published online on 21 June 2018 ABSTRACT. The aim of this paper is to investigate citizen views on the free movement of workers within the European Union (EU). We are interested in how situational and relational factors affect labour market chauvinist attitudes. Drawing on the threat theory, we advance new hypotheses on the role of intertemporal relative deprivation in amplifying chauvinist inclinations. From the intergroup contact theory and transnational approaches, we borrow insights on the role played by cross-border experiences and inclusion in discursive and associational networks in containing chauvinism. The analysis uses the original ‘Reconciling Economic and Social Europe’ (REScEU) survey conducted in six EU countries (i.e., France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and Sweden) in the fall of 2016. The article shows that – though rooted in class and status positions – chauvinist attitudes are clearly sensitive to contingent situations and lifeworld experiences. This article is available here
Donati N. (2018) The Evolution of Cohesion Policy from an Inter-Territorial Solidarity Perspective: an Empirical Analysis in "Politiche Sociali, Social Policies" 2/218, pp. 299-316 ABSTRACT In recent years, the scholarly literature has increasingly focused on the relation between cohesion policy and the process of European Integration. This article proposes to conceptualize cohesion policy starting from the idea of inter-territorial solidarity. From this perspective, cohesion policy contributes to the objective of the EU by assisting in sharing among territories and Member States both the wealth created by the European Integration process and the responsibilities involved, by deciding «who» gets «what» and under which conditions. Accordingly, the concept can be divided into its three constitutive semantic dimensions: eligibility, redistribution, and conditionality. The concept so divided is then used to empirically investigate the institutional change of cohesion policy in the period 1988-2013; the empirical findings are then compared with the theories on the institutional change involving cohesion policy, acknowledging the presence of a strengthened link between cohesion policy and EMU on one hand and European Social Policy on the other hand. This article can be found at the following link:  
J. Hien, C. Joerges, in European Law Journal, vol. 24, no 2-3, 2018, pp. 142-162 ABSTRACT During the years of the financial crisis, ordoliberalism became the target of a European‐wide critical campaign. This school of thought is widely perceived as the ideational source of Germany's crisis politics, which has even led to an “ordoliberalisation of Europe”. This essay questions the validity of such assessments. It focuses on two aspects that are widely neglected in current debates. One is the importance of law in the ordoliberal vision of the ordering of economy and society. The second is its cultural and religious background, in particular in German Protestantism. The influence of the ordoliberal school on European law, so the essay argues, is overrated in all stages of the integration project. Anglo‐American neoliberalism rather than German ordoliberalism has been in the ideational driver's seat since the 1980s. In the responses to the financial crisis, the ordoliberal commitment to the rule of law gave way to discretionary emergency measures. While the foundational synthesis of economic and legal concepts became indefensible, the cultural underpinnings of the ordoliberal tradition survived and developed a life of their own, in particular in German political discourses. This article is available at
F. Costamagna, National social spaces as adjustment variables in the EMU: A critical legal appraisal, in European Law Journal, 24, 2018, 163-190 ABSTRACT The article critically engages with the reconfiguration of the role and status of national social spaces within the EU constitutional fabric after the reform of European economic governance. Its main contention is that these reforms have converted national social spaces into adjustment variables whose main function is to contribute to the pursuit of EMU‐related objectives. This transformation alters the balance between the economic and the social dimension in the EU legal order, deforming one of the defining traits of its constitutional identity. This article can be found at the following link:
P. Pansardi, P. D. Tortola, in European Journal of Political Research, vol. 58, no. 1, 2019, pp. 96–116. Also published online on 12 March 2018, ABSTRACT. There is little doubt that the European Central Bank (ECB), and in particular its presidency, has taken the lead in tackling the euro crisis. But can this leadership be also characterised as charismatic? This article answers the question by focusing on language – a key component as well as a reliable indicator of charisma. By means of a software‐assisted content analysis of the entire corpus of ECB presidential speeches, it is found that the crisis has indeed led to the emergence of the Bank's presidency as a charismatic euro leader. This in turn confirms the recent politicisation of the ECB, but at the same time might be seen as mitigating the problems related to the Bank's democratic deficit, to the extent that charisma can be seen, from a Weberian standpoint, as an alternative source of political legitimacy. This article is available here
S. A. Perez, M. Matsaganis, in New Political Economy, vol. 23, no. 2, 2018, pp. 192-207. Also published online: 07 Sep 2017 ABSTRACT. Europe’s response to the sovereign debt crisis in Southern Europe has been premised on the idea that these states can return to growth through internal devaluation and fiscal consolidation. This article explores the distributive consequences of that strategy in Greece, Portugal, Italy, and Spain. We argue that standard measures of poverty do not capture the deterioration in living standards as fully as anchored poverty. Moreover, we show that inequality trends conceal considerable re-ranking within the income distribution: those who were rich in 2012 had got richer in 2009–12, but those who were rich in 2009 lost ground in 2009–12. We find that in all four countries the new poor include significantly fewer pensioners and more unemployed workers, and are considerably poorer than the old poor had been. We demonstrate that there was significant variation in the magnitude and design of austerity, with Italy imposing a far smaller adjustment than Spain, and Portugal achieving less inequality in spite of robust fiscal consolidation. Nevertheless, even when austerity measures were designed to reduce inequality by compressing incomes downward, their second-order macro-economic effects ultimately increased inequality (except in Portugal). In the last section, we explore the political reasons for this variation. available here

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