P. Vesan, F. Corti, in Journal of Common Market Studies, First published: 10 May 2019, ABSTRACT In September 2015, the European Commission launched a new political initiative ‐‐ the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) ‐‐ with the stated aim of strengthening the social acquis of the European Union and promoting upward social convergence across eurozone countries. In January 2017, the European Parliament voted in a resolution supporting the EPSR. This article examines the positioning of the parliamentary political groups to grasp the tensions that emerged during the debate. In so doing, it provides empirical evidence of the existence of a complex ‘clash syndrome’ in European social policies which results from the combination of vertical and horizontal forms of euroscepticism. The main argument is that the coexistence of multiple political tensions may hamper the development of a stronger Social Europe, but may also lead to the emergence of new political coalitions through the ‘criss‐crossing’ of different lines of conflict. This article is available at  
Pellegata, A, Visconti F., Who gets represented? Patterns of MP voters congruence on European solidarity in the core and periphery, (under review in a special issue of West european Politics)
M. Ferrera, in Critical Review, vol. 30, no. 3-4, 2018, pp. 256 -293 ABSTRACT: Weber’s conception of politics has long been interpreted in relativistic and “agonistic” terms. Such interpretations neglect Weber’s notion of “objectivity” as well as the complex links between politics as “community,” on the one hand, and as “value sphere,” on the other. Seen against this backdrop, Berufpolitik becomes a balancing act in which the pursuit of subjective values is objectively constrained not only by the ethic of responsibility, but more generally by the political imperative to safeguard the preconditions for communal order and, in late modernity, of liberal freedoms. Without them, neither the objective “clarity” generated by science nor the subjective political commitments based on “clear vision” would be possible. available at:  
Visconti F., To perceive and to believe. Misperceptions about immigration and attitudes toward the EU, in progress
F. Costamagna, Regulatory Competition in the Social Domain and the Revision of the Posted Workers Directive in s. Borelli and A Guazzarotti (eds), Labour mobility and transnational solidarity in the European Union, Jovene: Naples (forthcoming)
Madama I. and Jessoula M, "Compliance, gatekeeping o affermazione della sovranità nazionale? Risultati e limiti di Europa 2020 nella lotta alla povertà" (doi: 10.7389/93740), in Politiche Sociali (ISSN 2284-2098), Fascicolo 1, gennaio- aprile 2019
M. Ferrera, C. Burelli, in JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 57, no. 1, 2019, pp. 99-110 ABSTRACT The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep‐rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The contribution unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section II shows that its authority structure is ill‐suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section III argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centrifugal tendencies. Section IV presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan‐European forms of solidarity. This article is available at
F. Costamagna, "Industrial Relations and Labour Law in the EU Economic Governance Mechanisms: The Cases of Italy and Germany", in J. Hien and C. Jorges (eds), Reponses of European economic cultures to Europe's crisis politics: the example of German-Italian discrepancies, EUI: Florence, 2018, 182-187
Ferrera M, Burelli C. (2018) "Re-solidarizing Europe and Defusing the Crisis" in Responses of European Economic cultures to Europe's Crisis Politics: The Example of German- Italian Discrepancies. Eds Hien and Joerges. Florence: Robert Schumann Center EUI, pp 263-268 This article is available at the following link:
Pellegata, A. and Olmastroni, F. (2017) in J. Hien and C. Jorges (Eds) Responses of European Economic Cultures to Europe's Crisis Politics: The Example of German-Italian Discr epancies, pp. 140-147. Florence: European University Institute. DOI:10.2870/83554 ABSTRACT Mutual trust among citizens of different member states is a cornerstone for the establishment of a sense of European identity and the strengthening of the EU integration process (Hooghe and Verhaegen 2017). However, the current, multifaceted crisis that the EU is experiencing, in addition to some side effects of the integration process, have not only exacerbated public opposition to the EU, but are also eroding the stock of mutual trust among citizens of different member states accumulated since the end of WWII. In particular, the recent Eurozone crisis has increased the tensions between core countries of Northern Europe, with strong macro-economic performances, and countries of the Southern periphery, struggling with excessive deficit and increasing public debt. Two competing narratives about who is to blame for the crisis are in play. The core countries’ narrative is about feckless Greeks and Italians and the inability of their national institutions to adopt structural reforms to keep their public debt under control and the Euro sustainable. The narrative running in peripheral member states blames Northern countries, and Germany above all, for their austerity measures and their lack of solidarity towards countries facing severe economic and financial difficulties. As Grabbe (2012) pointed out, the sovereign debt crisis is more than the breakdown of a currency and of a political project, it is also causing a loss of trust between EU member states. By taking Germany and Italy as illustrative examples of this ‘Core-Periphery’ divide, this article aims to investigate the evolution of the respective perceptions these two countries hold of each other, expressed by public opinions and political elites, and its relation with public support for the EU.   This article is available at

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